Landscape, Mapping and Science
These three pieces of arts journalism focus on landscape, mapping
and science: on the emergence of the modern, scientific way of seeing
nature
Landscape, mapping and science (1)
(Especially mapping)
Landscape, mapping and science (2)
(The emotional power of landscape)
Landscape, mapping and science (3)
(Turner seeing the science in nature)
Landscape, mapping and science (4)
Drawings from the 16th and 17th Centuries
Landscape, mapping and science (5)
(The Americans invent their landscape)
Landscape, mapping and science (1) (Especially mapping)
This piece on mapping was published in the Independent in January
1999
As the Institute of British Geographers gathers in Kingston University
this week, they can reflect that their line of work has been, well,
put on the map. Last year, the English Patient reduced the nation
to a crumpled Kleenex as it told of a map-maker who had lost his
way round his own history. A science writer, Dava Sobel, had a continuing
hit with her "Longitude" which featured the 18th century
clockmaker John Harrison's attempt to make a machine which could
match the regularity of the stars the better to allow people to
know where on earth they were. Thomas Pynchon makes energised fun
of some of the same themes in his "Mason and Dixon" -
the story of the ill-matched latitudinisers who marked the divide
between Maryland and Pennsylvania. This was only after they had
made an excursion to St Helena, the island observatory which for
centuries starred prominently in the evolution of map-making and
astronomy. It featured also in the imagination of Francis Godwin,
the seventeenth century Bishop of Hereford whose account of a journey
from St Helena to the moon (drawn by swans) was republished in 1996*.
"The Man in the Moone" was the first sci-fi novel, claim
its editors who also give a straightforward account of what it was
likely the Bishop knew about the moon and its relations with the
earth.
Why the interest? We know that the making of the modern depended
in important degree on the exploration of physical spaces - and
what those spaces meant to their European discoverers can best be
seen in the way they drew the new territories. Three new books on
mapping came out late last year, and they show that maps tell you
as much about the people who made them, or for whom they were made,
as they do about the terrain they appear to be about. Map-makers
are charting the inside of their own heads. Jeremy Black makes the
point: he is Professor of History (not, note, Geography) at Exeter
University and his "Maps and Politics" (out last month**)
discusses the way no map can be true: it is flat and smooth, whilst
the world is round and bumpy. Map-makers use the fact to skew things
whichever way their bosses want. Not, one imagines somehow, that
Sir John Cotterell would have dared bully Claire Philp, the mapper
of country estates, including his, in Herefordshire. She seems to
pride herself on the absence of fancy in her exquisite detailing
of other people's prized territory. Jerry Brotton's elegant "Trading
Territories" *** shows how historically maps were about facilitating
trade and celebrating (and exerting) influence. And he makes a fair
case that modern research reveals what we had perhaps forgotten:
the Ottoman empire could map and navigate pretty well, too.
Jeremy Black is a bit of a revisionist, thank goodness. He gently
rebukes an 80s tendency to see map-makers as imperialists and propagandisers.
He nicely points out that colonial England's OS insisted that Ireland
be mapped with Gaelic names. Localised nomenclature was the rule
at home, so it ought to be "overseas" too. He also remarks
how difficult it is to make a map subtle. In maps as in parliaments,
proportional representation is difficult. A political map of Scotland,
for instance, would show a country dominated by Labour, but how
to nuance the colouring properly to take account of other parties?
Increasingly, we see that maps really are about chaps. We want
to map intangibles. Our forebears did, too. As a text-board for
Hereford's newly-restored Mappa Mundi remarks: "the larger
medieval world maps were visual encyclopaedias. They also located
man in space and time, and in relation to eternity". Technology
helps us do bits of this even better. Simon Rendel, who died terribly
young last year, was a polymath landscape architect and used digitised
information to map tranquility for the Council for the Protection
of Rural England. He mapped things like roads, which loom larger
on maps than they would on aerial photographs (that contributes
to our obsession with them). Rendel had them loom larger yet: he
coloured them in according to their busy-ness and their destruction
of quiet. It was a work of genius: a portrayal of access was enhanced
to show blight too. But maps are like that: marooned halfway between
pictures and narratives they are best when they tell tales. Another
revolutionary map-maker, Daniel Dorling, made his "New Social
Atlas of Britain" (1995 ****) bulge and slenderise the country
according to where the population was: we had the country redrawn
to show us where the weight of opinion - quantitively - was.
A busy fellow, Black's "Maps and History" ***** was also
out last year and it showed how our ancestors themselves mapped
their own (and our own) ancestors. He notes how twenty years ago
the "Times Atlas of World History" was the first to use
the computer's ability to gives us really interesting, often skewed,
perspectives. Mitchell Beazley's "Atlas of World Resources"
was similarly rich in text and vignettes: the first environmental
atlas and far better than various right-on attempts since, whose
relative poverty Black notes. Dorling Kindersley have produced the
nearest thing to a successor: their huge new World Atlas ("Mapping
the world for the new Millennium", £45, slipcased) is
so exciting it looks and reads like a multimedia.
One of the reasons maps are interesting now may be that we have
noticed that geography and especially navigation don't matter to
modern people. Perhaps the army had it right, as Henry Reed reported
in his poem Lessons of the War: "... maps are of time, not
space...". There are plenty of us who are unclear where Birmingham
and New York are, but we know the journey time. I have travelled
from New York to Washington several times and seen their relationship
on a map dozens of times but I can never remember which is the more
northerly.
I would make a useless Inuit. Two decades ago, the anthropologist
Hugh Brody filled our heads with accounts of Inuit thinking in his
"Maps and Dreams". It planted the idea that white map-makers
drew much Inuit territory as a blank. Without maps, the Inuits had
a far richer imaginative vision of their lands: names and distances
and animal populations carpeted what was the white man's terra incognita.
Actually, it is a mistake to think that we have grown beyond geography.
Vincent Ward made a wonderful film, "The Map of the Human Heart"
******, about a map-making aviator who takes a Inuit boy down to
the city to cure him of TB. The Inuit becomes a warrior in Flying
Fortresses but never re-integrates with his people's land or life.
We meet him begging.
People who lose their place become indigent and mendicant. They
wander in the creases in the map of civilisation. Like cowboys,
having no single place, they seem blessed at least in being familiar
with many. That is why we can expect to enjoy the work of the geographer
Tim Cresswell, to be featured at the IBG's conference. His paper
is called "Encoding the mobile body: the construction of the
tramp". Its inclusion amongst many others which speak such
language shows how far Geography has come.
* ed Andy Johnson and Ron Shoesmith, Logaston Press, Little Logaston,
Woonton Almeley, Herefordshire HR3 6QH
** Reaktion Books, 11 Rathbone Place, London W1P 1DE, £19.95
*** Reaktion Books, £22.50
**** John Wiley, £55 01243 779777
***** Yale University Press, £25
****** Cinema Club, £5.49 from HMV Direct 0990 334578
Landscape, mapping and science (2) (Top)
The emotional power of landscape
A piece about scruffiness and the New Pastoral tagged to theatre,
video and cinema events across the holiday season of Christmas 1997
for The Independent. It was pegged to the publication of a Ramblers'
Association guide to seasonal walks.
For some people, a walk in the country is a sort of radicalism
all by itself. They remember that the National Trust was co-founded
by a Ruskinite clergyman [Claude Rawnsley] who led the first mass
trespass in the Lake District. And then they recall the romantic
socialists of the northern cities who went out onto moorland and
braved the gamekeepers there.
Probably most people who take up the Ramblers' Festival of Winter
Walks offer of routes, guides and company to help work off the Christmas
torpor will do so for sheer pleasure, and perhaps with a bit of
what the English rightly are shy of calling the "spiritual".
Not going on the walks but imagining them is heady enough. Here
is Cookham Dean (and thoughts of Stanley Spencer) or Buckinghamshire's
Burnham (meet "end of Beeches Road, Farnham Common").
Anyone within a country mile ought to try to make the Abbeydore,
Herefordshire event, beginning at the only roofed Cistercian Abbey
in southern Britain. I am sorely tempted by Souldrop, Bedfordshire,
simply by the promise of its name.
However, wherever people walk, they will find a terrain which actually
is in hot dispute. Is that neat new crop of houses a disgrace? Should
it have been built in the joke vernacular (very successfully adopted,
by the way, in some infill near Abbeydore)? Can it be right that
there is a small industrial estate in this field? Why on earth aren't
there better car parking arrangements at this beauty spot? Why are
there any at all?
William Waldegrave, one time Green minister, and a keen fan of
the elegance of Britain's planning system, has been writing in the
Telegraph about how messing about with the middle classes' extended
garden - the countryside - may yet turn out to be New Labour's achilles
heel. Increased urbanisation as we abandon the traditional family
but instead spawn more than one family each, or none at all, will
indeed impose tremendous strain.
So what else is new? Every generation has mourned the passage of
the countryside of the day-before-yesterday. That is the message
of the Pastoral, a literary and painting genre which is in the limelight
at the moment. At the Royal National Theatre, Frank McGuinness has
a powerful (and over-egged) piece about Edmund Spenser, England's
great Elizabethan Pastoralist, in which the exiled poet wrestles
with the supposed innocence of mythic Irish country-folk in dire
need of "civilisation". Spenser does not notice the rustics
are using him rather more cannily than he they. The problem is that
nice aesthetic urban people (or "civilised" colonialists)
want their nature and their natural people - the Pastoral - to stand
about idly in a timewarp, in case they are wanted as a subject for
admiration, or education. Rustic dynamism has always been a bit
of an embarrassment to the simple-minded, and the rustic and primitive
have always been best seen a metaphor for both balm and harm.
The civilised are necessarily voyeuristic when they consider the
country. They are dangerously affected and fashion-conscious as
they go about making the Pastoral take landscape form. So Tom Stoppard's
hilarious Arcadia had an English aristocrat of the early 19th century
rip up the Italian garden of her forebears to replace it with the
latest thing, which is something much more expensive and a little
more primitive. Oddly though, as the Villa D'Este gives way to the
paintings of Claude as an inspiration - and formal gardens are swept
away before the grand sweep of Capability Brown and then the arboured
and laked vision of Repton - it remains only the Pastoral of Virgil
which is being invoked in all the different styles.
So civilised people invent and reinvent Golden Age ruralities as
waking dreams through which they can discuss what they have gained
and lost, and in which they can create sanctuaries from the modern.
Tom Stoppard's new creation, The Invention of Love, has A E Housman
torn between the classical and the romantic, which are - roughly
- the civilised and the wild. Worcestershire-born Housman's Shropshire
Lad used the Pastoral manner as it always has been used: to discuss
very civilised people getting to grips with natures (their own)
as yet untamed. It was, like the vision from the Malverns in the
Shropshire-born Langland's Piers Plowman, a conceit with which to
talk about unmentionables. Stoppard's new play deals with the problem
that clever romantic moderns would get locked up for classical (that
is, civilised) behaviour (call it pederasty), just as his Arcadia
discussed the way that romantic behaviour is often merely a neurotic
response to being over-civilised.
The modern Picturesque - that 18th century halfway house between
the wild and the prim - now takes in urban decay. The farouche Fiona
Shaw is currently inhabiting a near-derelict music hall with her
personification of T S Eliot's Wasteland. Its setting is as bleak
as the limestone pavement invoked by McGuinness at the Cottesloe,
and its style, for good and ill, is as frenetic as his. The Wasteland
is about a rundown, listless London. The poem is an elegy for lost
spiritual glamour, but faces a bit of a problem now. This is that
the desolate, unreconstructed cityscape of which it speaks is now,
like the old countryside, in such short supply that it has acquired
a romance of its own.
Ideas such as this made Patrick Keiller's wonderful film, London,
as gripping as it was static, deadpan and literary. Now his Robinson
In Space, to be shown in January on BBC2 (and available on video),
gives us an account of the hegemony beyond the M25 of the ersatz
and the modern. Keiller sees the corporate sprawl of leisure parks
and carparks, and a creeping disintegration elsewhere, as a troubling
sort of public affluence in the midst of private squalor. It would
be an odd Pastoral, except that its nostalgic tone is so familiar.
Mutabilitie was in repertory at the Cottesloe, RNT. The Invention
of Love was in repertory at the Lyttelton, RNT. The Wasteland wasd
at Wilton's Music Hall, Grace's Alley, Ensign St, E1. London, 1993
and Robinson In Space, 1997 dir Patrick Keiller, BFI/Connoiseur,
£17.49 each available from HMV Direct, 0990 334578.
Landscape, mapping and science (3) (Top)
Turner, the enthusiast for science
In 1998, a major Tate gallery show, and another at the Dulwich
picture gallery, brought out the painter Turner as "progressive"
and an enthusiast for science.
A new Turner is appearing. He is the man who saw more clearly and
painted - even celebrated - more certainly the Industrial Revolution
than anyone else. Can it be? The Turner of sea and sky, the Romantic
purveyor of the wild, in love with laboratories, furnaces and theorems?
Well, yes, it can.
We wander round the Turner and the Scientists exhibition at the
Tate, curated by James Hamilton (the part-time curator more usually
of all the University of Birmingham's collections) and it seems
obvious. "Rain, Steam and Speed - the Great Western Railway"
has it all: a fiery steam engine (its lollypop stick of a smokestack
makes it comical only to us) charges across a bridge (now it looks
quaint, then its archwork was a technical triumph).
Hamilton's catalogue makes the point that the depiction of big
weather was far from coincidental. Brunel's critics had already
predicted the bridge couldn't support a train, but it did, in July
1839. "There were exceptional storms the following autumn and
winter, and the bridge was again widely expected to collapse, but
it did not", writes Hamilton. Turner captures the triumph.
There are plenty of such images to make Hamilton's main point.
This is that the first third of the Nineteenth Century saw a passionate
spirit of fraternity amongst the best of the country's scientists
and the best of its painters. They met at London clubs, such as
the Athenaeum (Turner was a founder-member). Nearby, both sorts
frequented the Royal Institution (devoted to the practical use of
science) and the Royal Society (more devoted to pure science). The
Royal Academy (for the arts) and the Royal Society then shared a
building, Somerset House. Hamilton sees this as powerfully symbolic
of the way men like Constable and Turner were constantly in touch
with men of science such as Michael Faraday and Humphry Davy.
The vibrancy and vigour of it all is really inspiring. It had its
practical side. The geologists, for instance, were delighted with
painters and their quite new loves, accuracy and wild places: the
best accounts of glaciers were in paintings (or there was Turner's
fine depiction of the convulsive rocks of Lulworth Cove). The painters
hung around chemists to inquire how make to better paints, around
hydrologists to know how to codify weather better, and technologists
who could suggest optical devices the better to get truly accurate
accounts of their subjects.
But something rather unexpected comes through. This is that the
both sets of people shared an intense romance about the understandings
which were emerging. Turner's friend, the populariser of science,
Mary Somerville, is typical in having a vision of the world which
is giddy, almost unhinged, like an acid-head's or an adolescent's.
In her "On the Connexion of the Physical Sciences", Chaos
Theory is presaged and classical wisdom lurks: "In it [astronomy]
we perceive the operation of a force which is mixed up with everything
which exists on heaven or on earth; which pervades every atom, rules
the motions of animate and inanimate beings, and is as sensible
in the descent of a raindrop as in the falls of Niagara; in the
weight of the air, as in the periods of the moon".
David Knight, of the University of Durham, the other day told a
seminar at the Royal Institution, "Humphry Davy's vision was
that forces, power and spirit matter more than matter itself".
Justine Hopkins, of the University of Bristol, told the seminar
how John "Mad" Martin (well and permanently represented
at the Tate) painted an imagined world informed but also hugely
revved-up by science.
But those early nineteenth century visions were powerful because
they were dark as well as fiery. Davy himself is a fine example.
Whilst still young he was ill and perhaps prey to the heightened
awareness of those who face death. He produced intense poetic writing
(hallucinatory, Hamilton calls it). The rise and fall of civilisations
was one of his great themes. Many of Turner's paintings were accompanied
by bits of his "The Fallacies of Hope", which turned gloomily
on the transience of human enterprises.
So beyond the intensity of feeling common to scientists and artists
of the period (and so unlike the frosty formality we wrongly attribute
to our forebears), there is the very reverse of triumphalism. This
makes a second exhibition, Italy in the Age of Turner, at the Dulwich
Art Gallery, doubly interesting. It shows wave after wave of painter
trekking south in the relatively new comfort of mass tourism. But
the images we have from their sorties - the classical ruins, the
picturesque in Italy's modern life - are only superficially about
order or gaiety. The new tourists acquired sombre baggage too. The
classical world had crumbled, its "project" (as moderns
would say) vitiated. Its ruins were now inhabited by a superficially
charming but actually beggardly and squalid people. That was part
of the excitement of the Tour, Grand or otherwise: Venice, for instance,
was a disturbingly over-sexed repository of high civilisation's
relics. Modern scholarship (the Yale University Press catalogue
is a particularly rich seam) shows us how high culture and low life
were twin draws to travel, and that the "sublime" included
an almost deliberately fevered - almost neurotic - response.
Right from the start the importance of Turner is that his work
contains so turbulent a range of responses which nonetheless never
seem close to toppling over into the grotesque. In "Rain, Steam
and Speed", a hare is dimly seen, well, "haring"
to escape the onrushing unnatural monster. Figures in a timeless
pastoral scene are dimly seen, mourning or admiring the new iron
age. In "The Fighting Temeraire" (in which a steam tug
tows a sailing ship to the scrapyard) we can admire either vessel,
at will and alternately. The horrors and the glories of war conducted
under windpower are replaced by the brilliant but functional new
arts of peace.
The good thing about the new insights is that they allow a thoroughly
nuanced view of this almost unbelievably vigorous and exciting period
in our cultural history. Take "Snow Storm - Steam-boat off
a Harbour's Mouth Making Signals in Shallow Water and Going by the
Lead", that most Turnerish of images, with the ship etched
in a scene which is otherwise a mass of swirling sea and sky. Hamilton
says that Turner's steam ships used to be taken as symbols of despair
at modern man's hubris. "They aren't. The ships survive, they're
getting through, they're coping. But it's not triumphalist, either".
Other things in the show make the point: Turner liked life-saving
devices - lighthouses, improved rescue kit - but didn't ever under-state
the force of the natural world in which they were useful.
It was Stephen Daniels, a brilliant cultural geographer at Nottingham
University, who first really put this sort of feeling on the map,
in his book "Fields of Vision". He says, of both the artists
and the scientists of the period, "There's always this millenarian
undercurrent - that progress would over-reach itself, maybe things
aren't going to reach upwards and onwards forever." Our own
civilisation - gloriously technological and imperial - might collapse
like all others before it. And the point is made whether capturing
the vitality of an industrial furnace (as Turner often did), or
painting a Roman ruin.
Daniels says, "You're still dealing with an age which took
religion and myth seriously. They're in awe of the new power but
they're worried what the implications are and that this whole thing
might blow up in their faces."
For James Hamilton, 1837 - when the Royal Academy left Somerset
House - symbolises the beginning of the end of this special age.
"That year marks the beginning of the Tectonic Shift which
saw Science and Art move apart from each other", he declared
at the seminar. The main impetus was that science had now developed
specialisms and specialist languages. It grows alienatingly complex.
Arguably, the two camps have not grown apart en masse, so much
as fractured. The lines of contact are there, but complicated. Modern
young artists are still wrestling with the relations of Man and
Nature, and probably know as much science as anyone else. Even the
project of Progress remains largely intact. What has gone is a clubbability,
and encyclopaedism: that sense that a person can know everyone,
and everything, that matters. And the most striking difference between
then and now? Surely it is that we are so much less emotional?
Turner and the Scientists, Tate Gallery
Italy in the Age of Turner: "The garden of the world",
Dulwich Picture Gallery
Landscape, mapping and science (4) (Top)
Drawings from the 16th and 17th Centuries
In a hushed library-like space, the British Museum's Room 90, there
is the biggest show of drawings and prints by Claude Lorrain since
1927. These pictures were the passion of a handful of highly-educated
and literary English connoisseurs for a century after about 1720.
They are cheek by jowl with "Mantegna to Rubens", drawings
from the Weld-Blundell collection, which was mostly brought together
late in the 18th century by William Roscoe, a Liverpool lawyer and
banker.
At first sight, there is something severely bibliophilic about
loving drawings, and some of these do seem to be of only academic
interest. Indeed, the catalogue for the Mantegna to Rubens show
notes that "Roscoe considered himself first and foremost a
literary historian, whose interest in art derived from the Italian
poetry which he enjoyed reading. He often treated his drawings less
as aesthetic objects than as historical documents."
Don't be deceived. Many of these things are very exciting because
they give us a glimpse behind what can be the rather forbidding
formality even of great classical painting. Drawings are like the
"unplugged" versions of famous rock songs: bare and sinewy.
A Claude sketch, say "Landscape with Brigands", is strikingly
vigorous as compared with the etching for which it was a preparation.
Drawings weren't always preparatory: some were an artist's record
of a painting which was about to be sent off to a customer. We can
think of them as an attempt to capture the essence of the fuller
work, but done with an almost valedictory affection.
Drawings are timeless. Nothing else can make us feel so strongly
that the human eye, brain and hand - our sensibility - can hardly
have changed throughout the centuries. A student of Rembrandt's,
for instance, sketches in a greedy landlord in "The Good Samaritan
paying the innkeeper" just as the great English illustrator
Ardizzone might have. Guercino "the Squinter" draws a
plump Bathsheba or a sensuous St Sebastian with all the sexy insouciance
of a Picasso or a Hockney.
Our taste for spontaneity is probably more attuned to the private
aspirations of 17th century artists than was the aesthetic of their
patrons. Martin Kisch of the British Museum's drawings and print
department refers to our "impressionist eye". It is easy
to imagine that the highly impressionist style of some of Claude's
drawings ("A Grove in Shadow", say) was deliberate, an
effect in itself, and not merely a shorthand.
Our modern pleasure in accurate depictions of nature and landscape
also helps us respond to Claude's landscape drawings, in which trees,
say, are far more realistic than the highly poeticised versions
for which his paintings were adored at the time. This in spite of
their contradictory freedom of execution. Some, like "Three
Figures on the Banks of a River", are clearly rapid and shrewd
in equal measure. Yet others, like "Travellers on a Road Below
a Large Tree", seem to show us how Claude evolved a view which
combined the accurate with the fantastic. In all these less finished
works, we stand beside great technicians when they are at their
least artful.
By the way, for a single visit to the vast BM drawings and print
collection all you need is evidence of identification. And no-one
minds whether you seek out these exquisite things because they appeal
to an untutored eye or to an exacting scholarship.
Claude Lorrain: Drawings from the British and Ashmolean Museums
Mantegna to Rubens: Drawings from the Liverpool's Weld-Blundell
Collection
Both at Room 90, British Museum, London
Landscape, mapping and science (4) (Top)
The Americans invent their landscape
This was written in Autumn, 1996
Weekending amongst American art in New York and Washington
The moment I knew I'd be spending time out of time days in New
York and Washington, it was obvious how every spare moment would
best be filled. Good old-fashioned art: that would be the goal.
And in particular: American art. By the standards of the ex-colony,
I would be looking only for old and oldish indigenous painting.
Since I could not travel to the pine-bristling, bare-boned Rockies,
or saunter through Arizona's Saguaro cactus, nor make what would
be my first visit to any US coastline - why not make mini-pilgrimages
through the eyes of painters?
I can't remember when the luxury of travel first became identified
in my mind with the joy of stealing afternoons in art museums: but
it has certainly surprised me. It is one of the various things about
deep adulthood which one didn't anticipate as a young person. As
a youngster, I thought pleasure would always be nursing a hangover
and smoking a Gauloise whilst drinking marc in Paris. My dream at
twenty five, not fulfilled for ten years, was to stay up all night
dancing to reggae in New York. A decade or so ago, a Burning Spear
concert, supper at the Algonquin, bed and breakfast at the West
Side YMCA, bus rides hither and thither, all planted an enduring
impression that sampling New York life was pretty easy as well as
exciting. The message has stayed sound. Tastes change, though. This
time, we trekked downtown to the renowned Village Vanguard jazz
club, and heard rather a pompous pianist. Still, it's the place
to be - and yes, amiable as well as venerable.
I would once have liked to become the sort of New Yorker for whom
there is only one - dark - 12 o'clock a day. Now, at fifty, even
in New York I am happy to be early to bed, and to read gallery catalogues
there, even in a hotel a step away from pulsating night-life. This
time it was in the skyscraper Millennium, off Broadway. The style
was minimalist post-Modern Art Deco, the sort of room Italians are
comfortable in. A bit like sleeping a Conran restaurant. The hotel's
residential floors are very high, and approached through a security
cordon which makes the kind of arrangement normal in Lagos look
simply amateur.
I thought it was asking a bit much to have to be deathlessly cool
for breakfast in the hotel's lobby, amongst fellow guests who seemed
languidly to be recovering from massive implants of chic, and slipped
off to a diner to escape the challenge and the prices. The policeman
on Times Square - posted as a sort of tourism officer with hardware
- couldn't help with locating a liquor store for the obligatory
gin for later (no level of security has ever stopped me brown-bagging
in hotel rooms). Said he was a stranger to the district, as a Chelmsford
probationer on duty in Piccadilly Circus might. But he indicated
a decent greasy spoon.
I have given up trying to like anything about American coffee except
the way in good bad places a tired waitress cruises the tables with
jugs of it. That is a scene which reminds me always of luminously
sad movies with the likes of Ellen Burstyn or Susan Sarandon or
Michelle Pfeiffer. The fastfood waitress is to modern America what
the prairie Madonna was to its frontier years, only she must of
course be not merely a person of stamina, but also crucially dysfunctional.
She is (to look at it in art terms) your Edward Hopper cafe subject
compared with your Wyeth farmyard figure. Anyway, this time round,
I drank tea even in dim places off Broadway, and was rather proud
of my independence of spirit.
A bus uptown, shared with sharp little ladies who might have been
trekking up the Finchley Road, and I popped into a refreshingly
run of the mill Indian joint on Columbus at about West 77th, before
the rush of the day, and had a leisurely collation of rice pudding
made foreign, or ethnic as a properly politicised New Yorker would
probably have called it, by a sprinkling of cinnamon. The sun was
bright on the Saturday edition of the New York Times. I am always
amazed at the weightiness of American journalism: it seems so Dutch,
somehow, so tremendously worthwhile. As a tourist that Saturday,
I read the paper with affectionate condescension and then calculated
that the doors of the New-York Historical Society (the hyphen denotes
the class of an institution founded in 1804) would open. It's on
the west side of Central Park, at about the latitude of the Metropolitan
art gallery.
The doors weren't open, so I sat on the august stoop and rolled
a cigarette and watched joggers and wondered why upmarket city dwellers
of a particularly flaky kind always have enormous dogs - just as
people they'd hate at the opposite end of the social scale and town
also do.
The N-YHS has a big heavily-serious but airy building and gratifyingly
little, mostly nice, in it. I was there to see a series of paintings
by Thomas Cole, an Englishman who learned his painting in America
and became closely associated with the businessman in whose house
the artist's grand but eccentric series, The Course of Empire, still
hangs. The paintings show man's relationship with the landscape
from Wildernesss, through Arcadia, to Civilisation and its inevitable
descent into chaos, when Nature's orderly disorder reasserts itself
over the ephemeral empire of human ruins. In New York, where civilisation,
as Edith Wharton might have noted as easily as Scorsese, is noisily
assertive but precarious, one looks at these exciting but oddly
inept paintings with specially attuned eyes. They are a noble part
of the American painterly discussion about the rights of man to
see himself as doing good, or God's, work in taming nature.
To enjoy galleries, it is very important to go at the pace one
wants. One must not be above loitering in cafes to rest one's feet,
nor of taking the gallery experience itself at a fair clip. It is
best in big galleries to take in only what one expects to enjoy,
and perhaps challenge oneself with an improving sample of what one
expects to hate, and boldly to ignore the rest. The great trick
before going to galleries abroad is to go to the National Gallery
in London: that leaves one free to be cavalier with overseas offerings
which will only replicate much of the experience to be found in
Trafalgar Square. It is also important to buy postcards: they are
cheap but exquisite souvenirs of those intense, compromised moments
before paintings (good or bad) when one was transported away from
tiredness, aching feet, plotting the venue for lunch or supper.
They constitute the best and most effective apology for moving quickly
on when one should have lingered.
For good or ill, and I can't help it, paintings are in effect icons
for me. I don't mean this in a weak way. I mean that paintings have
become the equivalent of graven images - they induce something like
prayer in a heart which can't quite reconcile itself to a world
which is supposed to be secular. Even so, the trick to surviving
the Louvre, or the Accademia, or the Metropolitan or the Corcoran,
is to adopt a superficially brisk air toward the whole thing.
In New York, a tiny group of fans was guided round the American
sections of the Metropolitan by a woman of the kind America does
very well. The type is grand, cool, and girlish in the unspoilable
way of our own mature Sloane Rangers, but with a dash of briskness
and bandbox neatness which comes from having been brought up on
Doris Day movies. We saw what one would expect in the way of recreated
Colonial homes, and not very good portraits of early notables. The
stuff I have come to love is the landscapes of the Nineteenth century.
I have been taught to see the paintings as being in the tradition
of Claude and Constable. Even the wildest scenes seem to discuss
man's role in nature. By the way, Wharton made a remark about American
art to the effect that it had no foreground because the Americans
had no background. That's to say: they painted landscapes because
they had no society.
On the western side of the Atlantic, instead of the Alps, they
have the Catskills (I still don't know quite where they are); instead
of fenlands they have prairies; instead of the Thames, they have
the Hudson. The seascapes (say of Winslow Homer) are as raw-boned
and burly as anything done by the Skagen school in Denmark about
the same time - or our own Newlyn school.
The Americans were painting what they saw. But there's more to
it than that. They were trying to work out what America should look
like.
In Washington, we stayed at the Willard. A stone's throw from the
White House, the hotel is famous as one of the first grand places
in the US. It's nearly as grand as the capital's Union Station,
whose general elegance and food mall add glamour to the rail corridor
connecting New York and Washington. In a previous Willard, built
on the same site, the Battle Hymn of the Republic was written; in
the last days before the present building's descent into scruffiness
and eventual collapse as a business, Martin Luther King wrote his
"I have a dream" speech there. It was restored in the
80s as part of Washington's attempt to make its central area worthy
of a great nation. The result is a hotel which does quite successfully
reproduce an air of Edwardian grandeur with just a hint of the raffishness
which should attach to place where power has been brokered. I liked
both the coffee house and the infinitely grand dining room breakfasts,
but could not bring myself to dine in so august a spot. We grabbed
a taxi down to Georgetown where, in a place called Au Pied du Cochon,
I enjoyed a better-than-basic meal in a room which was good to look
at. But the memory is seared in my mind because eating at a nearby
table - gourmandising would be a better word - was a Charles Laughton
amongst women: an Emperor Claudius, perhaps, of her sex. I rather
fell in love. It was that sort of weekend: in New York, I enjoyed
squeezing into the Hourglass, one the world's smaller restaurants,
wherein we were served by a waitress who would not have struck one
as petite in an aircraft hangar.
In one of the Willard's public rooms there is a reproduction of
one of Thomas Eakins' great rowing pictures. Eakins loved boats
to very powerful artistic effect. But it is his portraits which
make him perhaps America's greatest artistic product. His women
convey pained sorrowfulness verging on resentment; his men mournful
deliberation trailing melancholy. It is not a happy view of the
world, but it is grand and serious. Eakins' are everywhere in galleries
in the eastern US.
One of the advantages of America's being young, and until recently
too busy to produce many dilettantes, is that you can quickly achieve
a kind of intimacy with most of the work that's been produced. What
you see in the big art books, you will shortly see on the walls.
The further west you go, of course, the more cowboys and Indians
you see. In Forth Worth, Denver or Chicago, these predominate, and
often are familiar. In Philadelphia, Washington and New York you
come up against the same painters, the same scenes and argument,
as amongst old friends. There is the comforting feeling that your
conversation with the important artistic sensibilities of the place
can quickly be renewed. Of course, for light relief you might prefer
to be reminded that one can cop out and soak up the John Singer
Sargents - those fine swagger portraits of beauties, who look, somehow,
as though they were no better than they ought to be. Or the painting
of Cecilia Beaux: achingly expressive, covertly erotic, and much
less known.
From the door of the Willard, it's a totter to the defining galleries
of (pre-modern) America - the National Gallery of Art, the Corcoran,
The National Museum of American Art, the last twinned with the National
Portrait Gallery. There may not be quite the richness of plunderings
from Europe's earlier heritage which is to be had at the Metropolitan,
but in Washington there is wall upon wall of America's own. After
the Corcoran (which makes you feel as you might have been the donor
himself, so intimate is the impression it makes), I like the National
Portrait Gallery best. Like England's, it is something of a backwater.
Relentlessly trivial, my carry-home impression was of a Second World
War General wearing the kind of blouson leather jacket which I have
always wanted and which no senior Brit could wear now let alone
fifty years ago.
And here too is a painting of 19 American inventors - "Men
of Progress". It is of eager types, earnest and well set-up
looking. Some of their names speak of their inventions: Morse, Colt,
Goodyear, McCormick. But the stories of all of them - of debt, depression
and sudden wealth and fame, or suicide - make a wonderful happenstance.
From fountain pen to anaesthetic, one feels the modern age got made
by those hands. Some of its better characteristics were formed by
Juliette Gordon Low, the founder of the Girl Scouts of America,
whom one does not expect to be half as winsome as she appears in
the fine painting by Edward Hughes.
Washington Galleries:
National Gallery of Art, 4th & Constitution Ave, NW. National
Portrait Gallery 8th and F St, NW. National Museum of American Art,
8th and G St, NW. The Corcoran Museum of Art, 17th and New York
Ave NW.
|