Written, November 2001, as the
New Labour government announces that the Lords will part elected,
part chosen by political leaders
Dumbing down the House of Lords
Now we have it: New Labour has given us the blueprint for a really
boring House of Lords. The reform was needed not only because the
place was effective, but also because the Government needs projects
which seem both radical and modernising. It always wants class warfare
with a progressive feel.. The heart of the function and appeal of
the Lords is not that it made obvious sense. It is of a piece with
the way the British Constitution is organic, not formulaic, and
is best sought in places like the Oxford Dictionary of Political
Quotations. There one finds Lord Campbell of Eskan saying, rightly:
"The only justification of the House of Lords is its irrationality:
once you try to make it rational, you satisfy no-one".
The Lords did what all great institutions do. Its ethos and traditions
vastly improved the performance of the flawed individuals who composed
it. That's why leaving it intact had merit and why a House robbed
of elan will find it hard to be effective, however well its members
are chosen.
From the off, the Government is lumbered with a contradiction.
As Lord Williams, the leader of the House of Lords, told Channel
Four News on Wednesday evening: "It's a mistake to believe
that every component of a democratic society has to be elected."
The Lords, like the judges, the bishops, the SAS and your plumber,
are best chosen by some other method.
So we might as well try to understand what was good about the reviled
hereditaries, so we can gauge better how to replace them. The aristocrats
had only one overwhelming merit. It was that they were politically-incorrect.
This feature was the by-product of their very real independence.
The best of them had lots of money (so weren't impressed by freebees).
They were cultured, ignorant, stupid or clever, but they were by
and large not ambitious (when they were in the Lords, they thought
about the nation, not their advancement). They were generally country-people
(a useful bias in an urban democracy). But above all, they had a
certain arrogance. That's to say: they weren't much subject to guarding
their words, whether they were talking about buggery, the party
Whip system, or rights for the disabled.
So the aristocrats were really the gold standard of the old Upper
House. Life peers were useful insofar as they added expertise and
experience, and only if they remained true to the spirit of the
place, which was giddily, unashamedly elitist.
Nowadays, elitism is a problem, because the excellence it espouses
is thought at odds with the democratic spirit. But the British Constitution
has known about this dilemma for about four hundred years. The tradition
New Labour is trashing enshrined only one big principle. It was
this: The British people control everything - everything - through
the House of Commons. MPs are chosen because they are clever, tougher,
nicer, cannier - somehow bigger - than those who elect them.
Anyway, Parliament is always subject to re-election, but on the
whole should be left to get on with things.
The loftiest monarch, the snottiest Lord, had usefulness because
their independence and glamour helped the lower house, and they
had legitimacy because the Commons said so.
Even so, it is a commonplace that the Lords can only work if it
is powerless. It must refine the work of the Commons, but never
compete with it. That is one of the reasons why hereditary peers
were ideal for the place: the aristocratic members were usually
at variance with the Commons (whichever party ruled) at exactly
the right moments in history. And even then they were, finally,
dismissable as unrepresentative.
We now hear ministers saying that the upper house used to be undemocratic,
and anti-Labour. Under that cover the country is sold the enfeeblement
of a house which actually was more anti-Presidential than anything
else.
So now the race is on. Will sufficient MPs care enough about the
strength of parliament to see that it needs a strong House of Lords?
And then will they make the further leap and see that the strength
of the Commons depends on a strong Lords which can help lessen the
effect of the iron grip of party whips in the lower house, and undermine
a Presidential command of the executive?
Will they then make the bold realisation that this strengthening
of Parliament can better be achieved by a House of Lords which develops
a real sense of purpose, and pride? This may need a degree of permanence
in its membership. It would certainly need a degree of savviness.
Elections won't achieve this: candidates for election to the Lords
are likely to be weaker in every way than candidates for the Commons.
Selection might do it, but only if it were boldly elitist.
If he wanted to, a Prime Minister as popular as Tony Blair might
have devised a system for getting a good, modern House of Lords,
and then sell it to the public. Instead he has tried to throw a
sop to the class warriors of his party whilst producing a formula
which can easily be manipulated to produce a House of Lords dominated
by saps. The author is the media fellow of the Institute of Economic
Affairs and publishes continuously at www.richarddnorth.com
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